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Considerations on Representative Government, by John Stuart Mill
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This anthology is a thorough introduction to classic literature for those who have not yet experienced these literary masterworks. For those who have known and loved these works in the past, this is an invitation to reunite with old friends in a fresh new format. From Shakespeare’s finesse to Oscar Wilde’s wit, this unique collection brings together works as diverse and influential as The Pilgrim’s Progress and Othello. As an anthology that invites readers to immerse themselves in the masterpieces of the literary giants, it is must-have addition to any library.
- Sales Rank: #7583883 in Books
- Published on: 2013-08-28
- Original language: English
- Dimensions: 10.00" h x .36" w x 8.00" l,
- Binding: Paperback
- 156 pages
About the Author
John Stuart Mill was an English philosopher, politician and economist most famous for his contributions to the theory of utilitarianism. The author of numerous influential political treatises, Mill s writings on liberty, freedom of speech, democracy and economics have helped to form the foundation of modern liberal thought. His 1859 work, On Liberty, is particularly noteworthy for helping to address the nature and limits of the power of the state over the individual. Mills has become one of the most influential figures in nineteenth-century philosophy, and his writings are still widely studied and analyzed by scholars. Mills died in 1873 at the age of 66.
Most helpful customer reviews
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
A warning about the danger of "a tyranny of the majority"
By Derek Jones
There are three related principal themes in "Representative Government":
1. The application of the principles of utilitarianism to government.
2. To reconcile the competing claims of efficient government and the popular voice.
3. To combat the danger of the "tyranny of the majority".
Mill's version of utilitarianism stressed "the permanent interests of man as a progressive being". Hence Mill says that the first question to ask is whether a form of government develops the desirable moral and intellectual qualities of the citizens. Mill believed that "active" rather than "passive" people create human progress, and political institutions should foster active citizens, and this is best done by giving (almost) everyone the vote. This included women, which earned him a mixture of mirth and hostility from contemporaries. He also favoured local government, and welcomed citizen participation on juries.
Though Mill wanted citizens to have the vote he did not want them to play too important a role. He was opposed to direct democracy, and favoured representative government because it enabled him to reconcile bureaucratic expertise with the popular voice. As in "On Liberty" Mill insists on the importance of the elite, and he recommends a Committee of Grievances and a Congress of Opinions which should be responsible for neither legislation nor administration. It should act as a sort of check on government without trying to control it. Assemblies must not select members of the government, and civil servants must be recruited via competitive exams.
In discussing the electoral system Mill reveals his concern with the dangers of a "tyranny of the majority" and advocated the Hare system of STV which achieves the most accurate possible representation of public opinion according to its numerical strength. Mill justified the Hare system on the grounds of representing minorities, but it is clear that the minority he was primarily concerned with was the educated elite, and Mill believed the Hare system would give more representation to this elite than other electoral systems.
The elite would be bolstered by plural voting. Mill said that though everybody should have a voice it did not mean they should have an equal voice. Extra votes were to be allocated to people based on educational achievement, but Mill was writing before universal education so in the meantime bosses should have more votes than employees (because they had to think more in their duties) and foremen should have more votes than those under them. Mill acknowledged this was a somewhat hit-and-miss temporary expedient. Today he would no doubt give a extra votes for passing exams at 16, and then 18, and then at degree level.
In the novel "In the Wet" Nevil Shute was to give an alternative version of plural voting, with extra votes earned not only by education but also by military service, travel and a special extra one for exceptional public service. Since Mill's time representative government has become the dominant form of government in the advanced world with advocates of direct democracy a small but voal minority. However, plural voting has been abolished everywhere and only the Israeli electoral system comes close to the mirror image of the electorate achieved by the full Hare system. Were Mill to return now I suspect he would be relieved that his worst fears over a "tyranny of the majority" have not come to pass but would be worried that politicians are too often more concerned with popular policies than good policies.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Worthwhile for Admirers
By Bill R. Moore
Considerations on Representative Government is more dated than Mill's essentially timeless prior works but still very interesting and even useful. It in many ways follows directly from Utilitarianism, as it is in essence a practical application of utilitarian principles to modern government, thus potentially at least partly satisfying some who were put off by the prior essay's gaps. A systematic and near-comprehensive look at representative government, especially the British Victorian variety, it is a nice overview of an extremely relevant subject and interesting both historically and practically. Anyone wanting to know how representative government then stood need look no further, as Mill is extraordinarily candid, especially for someone who was actually a Member of Parliament, on both its pros and cons. His enumeration of the former may sometimes strikes present-day readers as at least slightly wrong-headed - though surprisingly rarely, given the many changes since made. He is even more eloquent speaking of the latter and offers numerous cogent reforms. Many of the problems - e.g., lack of female suffrage - have of course since been corrected; reading about these is a reassuring sign that governmental progress has been made despite all. That said, it can come as a great disappointment that several of the problems, such as minority disenfranchisement, are still very much with us; perhaps incredibly, others, such as representatives' inadequate morality/intelligence level, have even worsened. Some of Mill's proposals - for instance, having a non-partisan expert committee draft bills rather than the legislature - are at least as appealing now. That a century and a half has passed without their enactment is frustrating and even appalling.
However historically valuable, the years have inevitably dated this essay somewhat, diluting its value. Aside from the obvious fact that some - though surprisingly little - of it is now moot, a few of Mill's Victorian assumptions, including Eurocentrism, as well as his general hostility to welfare, will certainly make current liberals shudder. That even one of the era's most outspoken and outstanding liberals could hold such views may disappoint but can also be seen as a sign of how far liberalism has come - or even as evidence of the historical march toward progress in which Mill so fervently believed. His European, and specifically British, focus may also lessen the value, but most of what he says is universally valuable. This is a must read for anyone interested in Mill, political philosophy, or Victorian politics.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Mill's is a good work, but don't order this copy.
By Craig
This is a print-to-order text, and it is just an OCR scan. The production is very poor, and it makes the reading difficult.
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